Chapter 7: The Ladies’ Land League and My Imprisonment in Kilmainham Jail

I Entreat Parnell to Come to Ireland – The Clara Meeting – Andrew Bermingham – The Ladies’ Land League – Anna Parnell – Coercion – Brennan Arrested – My Arrest – “The Kilmainham Party” – The 1881 Land Bill – The Tyrone Election – A Jail Visit from Parnell – My Labour and Industrial Programme


On the evening of the Paris meeting, William O’Brien[1] joined the party in Paris on his way from Egypt,[2] and Parnell soon after put him to work to cover the retreat.[3] When Parnell left the meeting room, I followed him to his bedroom and asked him to close the door as I had a few words to say to him. “Mr. Parnell,” I said, “I never remember kneeling to anyone but Almighty God and my own mother, but if necessary, I will now kneel to ask you to come and show yourself in Ireland, to enable you to retain the confidence of the people.” He seemed taken aback a little at my earnestness, and after a pause he said, “When do you want me to go?” “Next Sunday to a meeting in Clara, in the King’s County.[4] I shall meet you at the Broadstone[5] and go with you.” “Yes, I’ll go,” he said, and I said: “God bless you,” and left him. Dillon and Harris, myself and some others left for Dublin the next day, and I scarcely know how the week passed I was so disappointed, but I went to the railway station on the next Sunday morning, and true to his word, Parnell turned up with Dr. Joe Kenny,[6] but the doctor did not come to the meeting. We travelled to Moate, and had to drive to Clara. On our way down we reviewed the situation. There were a lot of evictions pending on several estates at the time, and I said that I thought that where the people were going out they should be advised to plough and tatter about some of their land to prevent the landlords from utilising it in a hurry. Someone Parnell knew joined the train before we had time to discuss the pros and cons of the ploughing idea, and we had no opportunity of referring to it again. This turned out to be the only faulty idea I ever remember putting in Parnell’s way. He publicly recommended this procedure in his speech at the meeting, and brought himself within the scope of the Whiteboy Act of which, not being a lawyer, I was unaware.[7] Pat Martin, M.P.,[8] drew Parnell’s attention to this mistake, and Parnell withdrew the advice to the people publicly in the House of Commons a few days afterwards, and he and I were at cross purposes for several months following. But we had one interesting day before the coldness. When we got to Moate there was a splendid pair of cobs hitched to a kind of very long low, phaeton[9] belonging to Mr. Andrew Bermingham,[10] a great Tenant Righter, and well known to Mr. Parnell and myself, waiting for us. Mr. Parnell and I sat in front, and Mr. Bermingham and another friend behind. It was such a convenient yoke for talking – and Bermingham was a great slow talker – that one or other of them kept him in conversation nearly all the journey. When we got out of the town we were joined and surrounded by about 200 mounted men of a bodyguard which Parnell was simply charmed with. I never heard him indulge in so many exclamations of satisfaction as he did on the six miles drive to Clara. I think Mr. Parnell would have shone as a military man, or as a lawyer, equally as a statesman. The day was splendid, and the Clara meeting was a record affair, and Mr. Parnell seemed to enjoy it more than usual. When we started to drive back, the phaeton was manned like the morning, but the crowd was so dense in the street that the driver could not get on with the cobs, which were becoming excited. Everyone in the place wanted to touch Parnell’s hand, and so many people held on to the phaeton that when the cobs got near the edge of the crowd they made a dash forward with the result that the unfortunate phaeton snapped in two, and poor Bermingham and his friend went back heels over head like a shot from a mortar. The cobs were simply flying at a full gallop, and Mr. Parnell turned nearly round in his seat and broke into the only fit of hearty laughter I ever saw him indulge in. “Poor Bermingham!” he exclaimed more than once on the drive, “how disappointed he must be.” Our stopping for the owner of the phaeton was simply out of the question as we were racing for the train and besides, if we got him we had, as the witty driver said, no place to put him.

About the last thing Mr. Davitt did before his arrest was to start the Ladies’ Land League. He and Miss Anna Parnell[11] gathered around the ladies’ centre in a short space, a surprising number of really talented women. At the same time I was somewhat dubious about the wisdom of the move in such a rough and tumble business as an agrarian combination necessarily must be when run on business revolutionary lines. I was not alone in that view, as most of the Executive were opposed to it, but Mr. Davitt was the leading spirit in the movement up to this, and no one thought of opposing him, especially as they had nothing better to propose.

When I had an opportunity of making Miss Anna Parnell’s acquaintance, I became even more enthusiastic about the move than Mr. Davitt. I found she had a better knowledge of the lights and shades of Irish peasant life, of the real economic conditions of the country, and of the social and political forces which had to be acted upon to work out the freedom of Ireland than any person, man or woman, I have ever met. It was a knowledge that reminded me very much of that of my own mother. It was simple, masterful, and profound.[12] Ignorance of the ethics of the real condition of Ireland has, in my opinion, been the chief cause of the failure of all our movements and our leaders in their efforts to work out the redemption of the country. Anna Parnell would have worked the Land League revolution to a much better conclusion than her great brother.[13] On our drive back to Moate, I introduced the subject and told him about my doubts and what removed them. “Oh, yes,” he said, “my sister knows all about Irish politics. She is never at a loss and never is mistaken in her judgement. It was she who hung on to Power and myself and the other people, and gave us no peace until we had to move to get Davitt liberated. She saw some of Davitt’s work, his plans and projects for the future of the Irish national movement, and she determined if possible, to get a man who could think and plan under such circumstances restored to the sphere of action. You see how true her conceptions were.” We had some time to spare at the railway station and the people were as usual, anxious for oratory. Mr. Parnell pressed me as he never did before to address a few words to the crowd, but I declined to speak either at Clara or Moate. My mind was seething with the effects of the breakdown at Paris, and I was afraid I might collide with Parnell or seem to endorse his present policy. A lot of people travelled up to the next two stations to get autographs from Parnell. I never saw him indulge in such a weakness before. When we reached Dublin, he dined in Dr. Kenny’s, and left by the night mail for London. The doctor was savage because I did not turn in to dinner, but the fact was I did not care to talk, even privately then, as it was always my business not to decry but to utilise Parnell’s and every other man’s genius to work out the redemption of the race. I was satisfied when I silenced the quidnuncs[14] running away from Coercion. The unlucky Whiteboy business about ploughing the land was nearly putting him in the way of becoming the first “suspect.” I lost Mass that Sunday morning, and the remembrance troubled me all day. The nucleus of what was afterwards called the “Kilmainham Party” was formed at the meeting in Paris. The minority there became the centre of the new party.

Office of the Ladies’ Land League, 1881

The Coercion was soon in full swing. Dillon and Boyton and Father Sheehy[15] were amongst the first batch of leaders.[16] Brennan and myself lost patience with the effects of the breakdown policy and we commenced to preach a general rent strike on our own account. Brennan was arrested in May, and was the last of the first set of officials who gave their whole time to the business and were, of course, paid a salary. Someone had to be appointed in Dillon’s and Brennan’s places, and a meeting of the Executive was called in London, to which I was invited by Pat Egan. Parnell presided at the meeting, but never looked in my direction. The proposal was that Kettle and Sexton were to be appointed, but Mr. Parnell moved that Sexton should represent the Paris policy, and I should represent the London policy.

He was beaten on a division, and I was sent to Ireland in full command of the organisation. But of course Mr. Sexton was instructed to work in unison with his own House of Commons policy. I held my salaried appointment for about a fortnight, when I raised the No Rent cry and was sent to prison, for the notorious satisfaction of some of the Paris men.[17] But the end was not yet.

I reached Naas jail after a rather exciting experience. I was fairly well known to the Naas people, and I had been up in the forenoon at the prison on a visit to Brennan and Father Sheehy. I was “pulled” on my return at Kingsbridge.[18] I met my new-made friend John Clancy in Naas, and we came back together and he was present at my arrest. He came with me to the Castle Yard, and got me some luncheon and an overcoat and came back to Naas with me. John Mallon[19] and another officer were my escort. We had to drive from Sallins to Naas and Mr. Mallon selected the mail car. When we reached the town the car pulled up at the post office just as the work people, who seemed to be in great numbers, were returning from their work. It ran round like wildfire that the detectives were taking me to prison, and someone cried out, “We won’t let them.” Mr. Mallon asked me to get down and walk, and that it was only a short distance. The people rushed around us and knocked the hat off Mr. Mallon, and kicked and mauled both detectives, but the crux came when we got on the bridge over the canal with the low parapet. Someone called out to throw them in and drown them. By tremendous exertions they rushed for the prison door which was ready to admit them, and got in hatless and almost headless with their clothes rather badly torn, and bleeding from a good many wounds. Mr. Mallon and his man had to remain in the jail all night, as the crowd stoned the doors and kept up ructions for a long time. Late in the evening the band came out and played round the place in spite of the police.[20] I spent only a fortnight in Naas. I applied to be transferred to Dublin to give me a chance to manage in some way my big farming business, and James Grehan got Lord Monk,[21] whose acquaintance I had made at the ploughing match thirty years before, to get Mr. Forster to let me come to Kilmainham.

I found Dillon and Boyton there, and we were joined soon after by Brennan and Father Sheehy. We were the “Kilmainham Party,” William O’Brien was so puzzled about when he came into the conflict.

It must be plain to even the casual reader that I had views of my own on every phase of the struggle, quite apart from the views of the men I was working with. This was the chief reason why Mr. Parnell and I understood each other so well. Although I missed getting a purchase transfer by the failure of the Party,[22] I felt the advisability of making the best of the 1881 bill (based on Butt’s work in the Tenant Right movement) which Gladstone had to fall back on when the League leaders failed to give him pressure to pass their programme.[23] It seems to be a fundamental weakness amongst Irish leaders of every movement to expect statesmen to legislate on their lines without pressure. This is simplicity of the first order. When I looked through the Land Bill I wrote to Tim Healy to dash on and amend the bill by securing as much exemption from rent on the tenant’s improvements as possible. Parnell and the Party refused to accept any responsibility for such a lame settlement as the Land Bill offered,[24] but I expected that Healy could be counted on to ignore the Party and display his ability in the discussion on the bill. In his reply he said he felt greatly strengthened by having my support in the course he meant to adopt. The clause known as the “Healy Clause” in the Land Act of 1881, was the result.[25] As a matter of fact it was Hugh Law, the Attorney-General, who drafted the clause in the form in which it passed, but it was under Healy’s pressure. Law refused to take Healy’s work which was only present and prospective, and in Law’s form it had 40 years of a retrospect. Mr. Sexton was doing the League work in Dublin, and James Grehan was doing most of the Sheriff’s sales and county work at this time. Nearly all the other leading men were put in prison.

Timothy Michael Healy, 1898

I should here mention that, for all our differences at this time, it was Parnell who questioned Forster in the usual way about my arrest. Joe Cowan, M.P.,[26] whose acquaintance I made at the Richmond Commission, spoke on the subject also. I was so obnoxious to the “Home” Party at the time that no one but Parnell would touch me. After the Land Bill passed, the Party had no excuse for remaining in Parliament and had to come to Ireland. The constitutional work of fighting the seat in Tyrone made vacant by the appointment of the new Land Commissioner, Mr. Litton, was seized upon to keep them employed. I was fairly well posted in Ulster politics, through my Tenant Right connections, that Dickson could not be beaten just then. I sent word to Mr. Parnell not to risk the rebuff of a defeat as it would have a bad effect on his popularity and prestige, and it was, amongst a large circle, low enough at this time. But he was in the toils and committed to the fight before he got my message, so it went on and his man was beaten. The Rev. H. Rylott was an able, but a new man and not a good candidate just then.[27] I was so disgusted at this setback that I allowed my own name to go forward for Monaghan a few days afterwards as I was informed through Dan McAleese[28] and others that my connection with the land agitation would tell to great advantage in Monaghan. I was anxious to save Parnell’s prestige, and to bring all the parties together, now that the Land Bill was through and that the breakdown could not be recalled. It happened that the last run I took through the country before my arrest was attending a meeting with Healy at Carrickmacross, with O’Kelly at Brookboro, with Jordan at Enniskillen and Clones, and with Dillon in the town of Monaghan. I always thought afterwards that the defeat in Tyrone, of which the English press made so much, drove Parnell to favour the wild demonstrations that followed.[29] The Monaghan election did not come off as the seat was not vacated. But my consent to stand brought Mr. Parnell on a visit to Kilmainham a few days afterwards.

Father Sheehy, Brennan, Boyton, and I were at some game in the ball court when he entered by a corner door; and so strained were the feelings of the Party at the time, that none of the men moved one inch to meet him.[30] He had to walk the full way to where we were standing. The greeting was courteous enough on both sides, and when it was over he says, “Kettle, I want to speak to you.” “All right,” I said, “My quarters are here.” So we stepped in and when the first half-hour was up, he sent to the governor for an extension of the visit and when the next was up, he got a further extension. “Well, Kettle,” he says, “what are we going to do now?” “I suppose,” I said, “you have nothing to do unless to carry through the second section of the original programme. The first is drifted for the present, and there is no use in grieving about it.” “I was sorry about Tyrone,” he replied. “I did not get your message in time, so it had to go on.” I was expecting the visit and I had a written sketch of what I thought should be the next move, and I read it for him. I told him that I offered land for labourers on the Tenant Right platform, and that the future of the country would depend upon the housing and placing of the labour power, that legislation would be required for this, but in the meantime the farmers should be urged to give the labourers a decent way of living on fair terms. But the great work before the Land League organisation was the industrial question. I told him I remembered before the Famine when the people were fed and clothed on Irish manufacture, and I saw no reason why the present powerful combination should not be used to put Swift’s advice into operation to a large extent. “To burn everything that comes from England but the coal.”[31] The written sketch was, that the League should establish a great Central Bureau in Dublin with as many committee rooms as might be required for the use of Irish manufactures; that they should publicly canvass and invite everyone who manufactured anything in Ireland to come and form committees; and that the League would undertake to secure the home market to the utmost for Irish goods; and, as he said a few days later in Cork, when the Irish supply would be exhausted to fall back on the American in preference to the British. I said I saw no reason why he should not go on quietly and govern Ireland by combination until the time came for legislation.

  1. William O’Brien (1852-1928) was born in Mallow, Co. Cork, the son of a solicitor’s clerk. Although Catholic, O’Brien was educated at the local Church of Ireland school. He was active for a time in the Fenian movement, resigning from it in the mid-1870s. He studied law at Queen’s College Cork and then became a journalist with the Freeman’s Journal. In 1881 Parnell appointed him editor of the Land League newspaper, United Ireland (DIB 2009, ‘O’Brien, William’). O’Brien was one of the main organisers of the 1886-91 Plan of Campaign, prompted by a depression in the mid-1880s, to reduce rents. It was not supported by Parnell. O’Brien joined the anti-Parnellite side in the split following the O’Shea divorce crisis (Hickey & Doherty 2003, 396).
  2. O’Brien may have been reporting on the situation there in advance of the Anglo-Egyptian War of 1882.
  3. William O’Brien was one of Parnell’s most capable lieutenants and had previously been a reporter with the Freeman’s Journal. When Parnell found that the newspaper was not giving enough support to his Land League policies, he established his own weekly paper, United Ireland, and appointed O’Brien to be the editor (Dungan 2014).
  4. The former name for Co. Offaly.
  5. Broadstone railway station was the Dublin terminus of the Midland Great Western Railway, located in the Dublin suburb of Broadstone.
  6. Joseph Edward Kenny (1845-1900) was a physician and served as a nationalist MP for South Cork from 1885 to 1892. He was elected to the executive committee of the Land League in 1880 and subsequently served as treasurer of the National League, the Mansion House Evicted Tenants Committee, and the Tenants’ Defence Association. He was a close friend and medical advisor to both Parnell and Davitt and acted as the doctor for his political colleagues while imprisoned with them in Kilmainham Jail in 1881 (DIB 2009, ‘Kenny, Joseph Edward’; Lyons 1991).
  7. The Whiteboy Acts refers to legislation passed by Parliament in the eighteenth century to empower the authorities to combat Whiteboyism. The Whiteboys were a secret Irish agrarian organisation that had begun in the eighteenth century with the aim of defending the land rights of tenant farmers. Over time, Whiteboyism became a general term for rural violence associated with secret societies.
  8. Patrick Leopold Martin (1830-95) was an MP for Co. Kilkenny from 1874 to 1885 (Wikipedia 2022, ‘Patrick Martin (Irish politician)’).
  9. A phaeton was a type of open carriage usually drawn by one or two cobs (a draft type pony used for driving carts) and featuring a lightly sprung body on top of four large wheels.
  10. Andrew Birmingham (1830-91) was the landlord of a large estate in Kilfoylan (Kilfylan) in Co. Offaly, with lands also in Roscommon. Originally a Protestant, he had converted to Catholicism in order to marry. He was a popular man locally, having reduced the rents on his estate and was a supporter of Parnell and tenant rights (King 1937-39; n.d., ‘Andrew William Birmingham’).
  11. Anna Parnell (1852-1911) was a nationalist and land activist and younger sister of Charles Stewart Parnell. After her brother was elected MP for Meath in 1875, she became increasingly political. She and her sister, Fanny, had worked in New York for the Famine Relief Fund. There she collaborated with Michael Davitt, who recognised her administrative and intellectual capabilities. Fanny had also set up a Ladies’ Land League Committee in New York in order to raise funds for the Irish National Land League. By late 1880 Davitt believed that the leadership of the Land League would soon be imprisoned and suggested that a Ladies’ Land League be set up to carry on the work after their imprisonment. He proposed that Anna take charge of the new Ladies’ Land League, which was established in Dublin in January 1881. Anna travelled throughout Ireland promoting the message of the Land League and encouraging women to take an active role in Land League activities. Following the suppression of the Land League, as planned, the Ladies’ Land League took over responsibility for the continuation of the campaign. Over 500 branches of the Ladies’ Land League were formed and funds were raised for the League and for the support of prisoners and their families. Attempts to close down the Ladies’ Land League following the release of the male Land League leaders under the Kilmainham Treaty led to bitter negotiations between the women of the Ladies’ Land League and the male leadership and, against Anna’s wishes, the Ladies’ Land League was disbanded in 1882 (DIB 2009, ‘Parnell, Anna Mercer (Catherine Maria)’; Ward 2021).
  12. Anna Parnell’s account of the Ladies’ Land League, The Tale of a Great Sham, was written in 1907 but it was not published until 1986 (Parnell 2020).
  13. The Ladies’ Land League took the No Rent Manifesto seriously and Anna Parnell attempted to encourage a genuine resistance to landlordism. Anna was more radical than her brother Charles, disagreeing with him on many Land League directives. Like Kettle, she wanted more than simply a ‘solution’ to the land question and she was highly critical of Parnell’s agreement with the government that land agitation would end following the Kilmainham Treaty (DIB 2009, ‘Parnell, Anna Mercer’).
  14. A ‘quidnunc’ is an inquisitive or gossipy person. Here, Kettle is probably referring to his condemnation of the Land League executives during their retreat to Paris following the introduction of coercion and the arrest of Davitt in February 1881.
  15. Eugene Sheehy (1841-1917) was a priest and nationalist from Co. Limerick. He was president of the local branch of the National Land League at Kilmallock. In May 1881, despite Dublin Castle’s prohibition of the event, he spoke at a League rally in Limerick city and so was imprisoned in Kilmainham Jail. The notoriety he achieved from this earned him the sobriquet ‘the Land League priest’ (DIB 2009, ‘Sheehy, Eugene’). He was the uncle of the feminists Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington (1877-1946) and Mary Sheehy (1884-1967), who married Tom Kettle (1882-1916).
  16. Part of the campaign of coercion was to paralyse local League organisations by arresting branch committee members.
  17. Kettle was arrested in June 1881 for calling for a collective refusal of rent. His stance – that the Parliamentary Party should have withdrawn from Westminster, moved to Ireland, and called for a general rent strike – had made him unpopular with many on the League executive. They were embarrassed by Kettle’s calls to action, which were motivated by his radical outlook on agrarian reform (DIB 2009, ‘Kettle, Andrew Joseph’).
  18. Kingsbridge Station is the original name of Heuston Station, one of Dublin’s largest railway stations.
  19. John Mallon (1839-1915) was a policeman, originally from Armagh, who had moved up the ranks of the Dublin Metropolitan Police to became superintendent of the force by 1874. His knowledge of the Irish situation meant that he was frequently asked to handle political matters, including the delicate task of the arrest of Parnell in October 1881 (DIB 2009, ‘Mallon, John’).
  20. Kettle’s experience of his arrest demonstrates not just the support of the crowd for him and the Land War but also the hostile environment that existed for the Irish administration and its agents at this time. During 1880-82 policemen frequently faced physical resistance by defiant crowds and were often heavily dependent on military backing and support (Comerford 1996a, 46).
  21. Charles Stanley Monck (1819-94), 4th Viscount Monck of Ballytrammon, was born in Tipperary and owned estates in Wicklow and Wexford. He was elected to Parliament in 1852 and, after losing his seat, he was appointed Governor of British North America in 1861. When Canada became independent in 1867, he became its first governor-general. He returned to Ireland in 1868 and served as Lord Lieutenant of County Dublin from 1874 to 1892 (Harris 2020).
  22. Here Kettle is referring to his previous proposal that land purchase could be facilitated by the recovery of tax allegedly charged in excess on Ireland by the British government since the Act of Union.
  23. On 7 April 1881 Gladstone had introduced a major Irish land bill that became law on 22 August. It provided for the Three Fs along with the establishment of land courts that were empowered to fix a judicial rent upon application by a landlord or tenant. This granted tenants a form of co-ownership of their holdings. Gladstone’s fear of social dissolution in Ireland, and the effect this could have on British policy, had persuaded him to introduce such major reform. While it did not meet the declared objectives of the Land League to achieve full peasant proprietorship and an end of the landlord system, many larger tenant farmers saw the act as a very substantial gain. In effect, Gladstone had split the agitation by buying off a significant section of its supporters (Bew 1980, 52; Comerford 1996a, 47).
  24. On introduction of the bill, Parnell had recognised privately that he believed Gladstone had done enough and before it entered law in August he had raised a few problems in dealing with it (Bew 1980, 52).
  25. The debates and adoption of this clause introduced by the then 27-year-old Healy gained him parliamentary prominence at this time. He had been advised by his brother Maurice, a solicitor’s apprentice in Ireland, and the resulting clause was intended to ensure that no increase in judicial rent could be allowed in respect of improvements made by the tenant. Its introduction brought him to the attention of Gladstone and transformed his political standing (DIB 2009, ‘Healy, Timothy Michael’).
  26. Joseph Cowan (1829-1900) was an MP for Newcastle-upon-Tyne between 1874 and 1886. He was an activist, politician, journalist, and printer with a reputation for being radical, liberal, and independent-minded (Wikipedia 2022, ‘Joseph Cowen’).
  27. This by-election took place on 7 September 1881, where the Gladstonian Ulster Liberal, T. A. Dickson, received 3,168 votes, the Conservative candidate 3,081, and Parnell’s candidate, the Rev. Harold Rylett, who was an Ulster-based Unitarian minister who had been active in the Land League, only 907. This fortuitous Liberal by-election victory led Gladstone to believe that it demonstrated a decline in support for the Land League and that an Irish ‘middle way’ was still possible. The defeat contributed towards Parnell’s arrest a week later (Bew 2007, 329).
  28. Daniel McAleese (1833-1900) was a journalist, poet, newspaper proprietor, and politician. He had worked with different newspapers but had moved to Monaghan and in February 1876 launched the People’s Advocate, a cheap, nationalist weekly sympathetic to Catholic interests. He became an influential figure in local politics and played a significant role in the Tenant Right, Land League, and Home Rule movements (DIB 2009, ‘McAleese, Daniel’).
  29. Bew notes how continued stoking of agitation risked imprisonment for Parnell as well as the loss of ‘moderate’ support. However, refusal to maintain the agitation would have led to alienation of Irish-American feeling and the more radical side of the Land League. Parnell also harboured fears that the act would not settle the land question, but he attempted to steer a middle course in order to prevent the breakdown of the movement. He persuaded the Land League to adopt the programme of ‘testing the act,’ leading to open confrontation with Gladstone (Bew 2011, 80-82).
  30. Many on the Land League executive were opposed to acceptance of the 1881 Land Act, leading to a straining of relationships between Parnell and his lieutenants. Although there was a satisfied majority of farmers who saw substantial gains to be had from implementation of the act, many of the smaller and poorer farmers (up to 20 per cent) were too deeply in arrears to clear their debts (as required by the act) and enter the new order (Comerford 1996a, 47).
  31. This is a paraphrase of words in Jonathan Swift’s 1720 essay ‘A Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufacture’: ‘Ireland would never be happy, till a law were made for burning every thing that came from England, except their people and their coals.’


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The Material for Victory: The Memoirs of Andrew J. Kettle Copyright © 2023 by Open Press at the University of Galway is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

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